Falaram-me os homens em humanidade (Portuguese Edition)

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Lately, Brazilians in general have had some exposure to European speech, through TV and music. Often one will see Brazilian actors working in Portugal, and Portuguese actors working in Brazil, despite the differences on spoken language. Modern Brazilian Portuguese has been highly influenced by other languages introduced by immigrants through the past century, specifically by German, Italian and Japanese immigrants. This is also one of the main reasons why Brazilian Portuguese sounds so different from other Portuguese varieties [ citation needed ].

The written Brazilian standard differs from the European one to about the same extent that written American English differs from written British English. The differences extend to spelling, lexicon, and grammar. However, with the entry into force of the Orthographic Agreement of in Portugal and in Brazil since , these differences were drastically reduced. Several Brazilian writers have been awarded with the highest prize of the Portuguese language. The Brazilian spellings of certain words differ from those used in Portugal and the other Portuguese-speaking countries.

Some of these differences are merely orthographic, but others reflect true differences in pronunciation. In many cases, the letters c or p in syllable-final position have become silent in all varieties of Portuguese, a common phonetic change in Romance languages cf. Spanish objeto , French objet. Accordingly, they stopped being written in BP compare Italian spelling standards , but continued to be written in other Portuguese-speaking countries.

Only in a small number of words is the consonant silent in Brazil and pronounced elsewhere or vice versa, as in the case of BP fato , but EP facto. However, the new Portuguese language orthographic reform led to the elimination of the writing of the silent consonants also in the EP, making now the writing system virtually identical in all of the Portuguese-speaking countries,. However, BP has retained those silent consonants in a few cases, such as detectar "to detect". These spelling differences are due to genuinely different pronunciations.

The variant spellings are necessary in those cases because the general Portuguese spelling rules mandate a stress diacritic in those words, and the Portuguese diacritics also encode vowel quality.

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By Portuguese spelling rules, that sound can be written either as j favored in BP for certain words or g favored in EP. The linguistic situation of the BP informal speech in relation to the standard language is controversial. Accordingly, the formal register of Brazilian Portuguese has a written and spoken form. The written formal register FW is used in almost all printed media and written communication, is uniform throughout the country and is the "Portuguese" officially taught at school. The spoken formal register FS is essentially a phonetic rendering of the written form.

FS is used in very formal situations, such as speeches or ceremonies or when reading directly out of a text. While FS is necessarily uniform in lexicon and grammar, it shows noticeable regional variations in pronunciation.

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The main and most general i. To be noted that these characteristics are also present in other varieties of Portuguese:. Modern linguistic studies have shown that Brazilian Portuguese is a topic -prominent or topic- and subject-prominent language. In fact, in the Portuguese language, the anticipation of the verb or object at the beginning of the sentence, repeating it or using the respective pronoun referring to it, is also quite common, e.

This kind of construction, however, is often used in European Portuguese. Brazilian grammars traditionally treat this structure similarly, rarely mentioning such a thing as topic. Nevertheless, the so-called anacoluthon has taken on a new dimension in Brazilian Portuguese. In colloquial language, this kind of anacoluto may even be used when the subject itself is the topic, only to add more emphasis to this fact, e. This structure highlights the topic, and could be more accurately translated as "As for this girl, she usually takes care of abandoned dogs".


The use of this construction is particularly common with compound subjects , as in, e. This happens because the traditional syntax Eu e ela fomos passear places a plural-conjugated verb immediately following an argument in the singular, which may sound unnatural to Brazilian ears. The redundant pronoun thus clarifies the verbal inflection in such cases. The same restriction applies to several other uses of the gerund: BP uses ficamos conversando "we kept on talking" and ele trabalha cantando "he sings while he works" , but rarely ficamos a conversar and ele trabalha a cantar as is the case in most varieties of EP.

In general, the dialects that gave birth to Portuguese had a quite flexible use of the object pronouns in the proclitic or enclitic positions. In Classical Portuguese, the use of proclisis was very extensive, while, on the contrary, in modern European Portuguese the use of enclisis has become indisputably majoritary.

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Brazilians normally place the object pronoun before the verb proclitic position , as in ele me viu "he saw me". In many such cases, the proclisis would be considered awkward or even grammatically incorrect in EP, in which the pronoun is generally placed after the verb enclitic position , namely ele viu-me. However, in verb expressions accompanied by an object pronoun, Brazilians normally place it amid the auxiliary verb and the main one ela vem me pagando but not ela me vem pagando or ela vem pagando-me.

Portuguese by Milton M. Azevedo

In some cases, in order to adapt this use to the standard grammar, some Brazilian scholars recommend that ela vem me pagando should be written like ela vem-me pagando as in EP , in which case the enclisis could be totally acceptable if there would not be a factor of proclisis. Therefore, this phenomenon may or not be considered improper according to the prescribed grammar, since, according to the case, there could be a factor of proclisis that would not permit the placement of the pronoun between the verbs e.

The mesoclitic placement of pronouns between the verb stem and its inflection suffix is viewed as archaic in BP, and therefore is restricted to very formal situations or stylistic texts. There are many differences between formal written BP and EP that are simply a matter of different preferences between two alternative words or constructions that are both officially valid and acceptable. Also, spoken BP usually uses the verb ter "own", "have", sense of possession and rarely haver "have", sense of existence, or "there to be" , especially as an auxiliary as it can be seen above and as a verb of existence.

In many ways, Brazilian Portuguese BP is conservative in its phonology. Brazilian Portuguese has eight oral vowels, five nasal vowels, and several diphthongs and triphthongs , some oral and some nasal. The reduction of vowels is one of the main phonetic characteristics of Portuguese generally, but in Brazilian Portuguese the intensity and frequency of that phenomenon varies significantly. Vowels in Brazilian Portuguese generally are pronounced more openly than in European Portuguese, even when reduced. Some dialects of BP follow this pattern for vowels before the stressed syllable as well.

The main difference among the dialects of Brazilian Portuguese is the frequent presence or absence of open vowels in unstressed syllables. Open-mid vowels can occur only in the stressed syllable. Vowel nasalization in some dialects of Brazilian Portuguese is very different from that of French, for example. In French, the nasalization extends uniformly through the entire vowel, whereas in the Southern-Southeastern dialects of Brazilian Portuguese, the nasalization begins almost imperceptibly and then becomes stronger toward the end of the vowel. In this respect it is more similar to the nasalization of Hindi-Urdu see Anusvara.

It has always been standard in Brazil's Japanese community since it is also a feature of Japanese. The regions that still preserve the unpalatalized [ti] and [di] are mostly in the Northeast and South of Brazil by the stronger influence from European Portuguese Northeast , and from Italian and Argentine Spanish South [ citation needed ].

This—along with other adaptations—sometimes results in rather striking transformations of common loanwords.

The same suppression also happens occasionally in EP, but much less often than in BP. That sometimes affects the spelling of words. Related is the difference in pronunciation of the consonant represented by nh in most BP dialects. Several sound changes that affected Portuguese words were not shared by BP.

Whether such a change happens in BP is highly variable according to dialect. In the Northeast, it is more likely to happen before a consonant than word-finally, and it varies from region to region. There are many dialect-specific phonetic aspects in BP that can be essential characteristics of a dialect or another in Brazil.

There are various differences between European Portuguese and Brazilian Portuguese, such as the dropping of the second-person conjugations and, in some dialects, of the second-person pronoun itself in everyday usage and the use of subject pronouns ele, ela, eles, elas as direct objects.

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Spoken Brazilian Portuguese usage differs from Standard Portuguese usage. The differences include the placement of clitic pronouns and, in Brazil, the use of subject pronouns as objects in the third person. Nonstandard verb inflections are also common in colloquial Brazilian Portuguese. Spoken Portuguese rarely uses the affirmation adverb sim "yes" in informal speech. Instead, the usual reply is a repetition of the verb of the question. If a longer answer is preferred. Standard Portuguese forms a command according to the grammatical person of the subject who is ordered to do the action by using either the imperative form of the verb or the present subjunctive.

The negative command forms use the subjunctive present tense forms of the verb. However, as for the second person forms, Brazilian Portuguese traditionally does not use the subjunctive-derived ones in spoken language. Also, other forms such as teu possessive , ti postprepositional , and contigo "with you" are still common in most regions of Brazil, especially in areas in which tu is still frequent.

Most Brazilians who use tu use it with the third-person verb: tu vai ao banco. A few cities in Rio Grande do Sul but in the rest of the state speakers may or may not use it in more formal speech , mainly near the border with Uruguay , have a slightly different pronunciation in some instances tu vieste becomes tu viesse , which is also present in Santa Catarina and Pernambuco. In spoken informal registers of BP, the third-person object pronouns 'o', 'a', 'os', and 'as' are virtually nonexistent and are simply left out or, when necessary and usually only when referring to people, replaced by stressed subject pronouns like ele "he" or isso "that": Eu vi ele "I saw him" rather than Eu o vi.

If no ambiguity could arise especially in narrative texts , seu is also used to mean 'his' or 'her'.

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In Portuguese, one may or may not include the definite article before a possessive pronoun meu livro or o meu livro , for instance. The variants of use in each dialect of Portuguese are mostly a matter of preference: it does not usually mean a dialect completely abandoned either form.

Formal written Brazilian Portuguese tends, however, to omit the definite article in accordance with prescriptive grammar rules derived from Classical Portuguese even if the alternative form is also considered correct, but many teachers consider it inelegant. Some of the examples on the right side of the table below are colloquial or regional in Brazil. Literal translations are provided to illustrate how word order changes between varieties.

  • Unhappy Holiday.
  • Theres a party goin on around here.

Word order in the first Brazilian Portuguese example is frequent in European Portuguese. Similar to the subordinate clauses like Sabes que eu te amo "You know that I love you ", but not in simple sentences like "I love you. The example in the bottom row of the table, with its deletion of "redundant" inflections, is considered ungrammatical, but it is nonetheless dominant in Brazil throughout all social classes.

Chamar 'call' is normally used with the preposition de in BP, especially when it means 'to describe someone as':. When movement to a place is described, BP uses em contracted with an article, if necessary :. In BP, the preposition para can also be used with such verbs with no difference in meaning:.

According to some contemporary Brazilian linguists Bortoni, Kato, Mattos e Silva, Perini and most recently, with great impact, Bagno , Brazilian Portuguese may be a highly diglossic language.

Wiktionary:Frequency lists/Portuguese wordlist

This theory claims that there is an L-variant termed "Brazilian Vernacular" , which would be the mother tongue of all Brazilians, and an H-variant standard Brazilian Portuguese acquired through schooling. L-variant represents a simplified form of the language in terms of grammar, but not of phonetics that could have evolved from 16th-century Portuguese, influenced by Amerindian mostly Tupi and African languages , while H-variant would be based on 19th-century European Portuguese and very similar to Standard European Portuguese, with only minor differences in spelling and grammar usage.

Perini, a Brazilian linguist, even compares the depth of the differences between L- and H- variants of Brazilian Portuguese with those between Standard Spanish and European Portuguese. However, his proposal is not widely accepted by either grammarians or academics.